Finn's Take· TL;DRIn the war-scarred city of Deir al-Balah, about 70,000 eligible voters over the age of 18 are casting their ballots in Gaza's first municipal elections in more than 20 years. The central city was selected as a testing ground for a revival of the democratic process because it sustained less infrastructural damage than other areas in the besieged enclave. Yet the scars of Israel's devastating war remain stark— in December 2024, Israeli forces bombed the Deir el-Balah municipality building, killing then-Mayor Diab al-Jarou and 10 staff members as they worked to provide essential services for displaced Palestinians.
Four electoral lists are nominated for the municipal council, comprised of 60 candidates competing for seats to govern this community that has become a symbol of Palestinian resilience. Voting takes place at 12 electoral centres in spaces such as local stadiums, women's activity centres and former clinics. The election represents breaking the democratic stagnation that has lasted for two decades, an attempt to revive legitimacy through the popular will, and a political message rejecting the entrenchment of separation between Gaza and the West Bank.
Hamas has not fielded a list, or slate of candidates, nor endorsed any candidate but said it would respect the results. The elections mark a significant departure from the policy of administrative appointments that has governed the Strip under Hamas leadership for the past 21 years. A 2007 schism between Fatah, the dominant PA faction, and Hamas saw the latter seize control of the strip.
Campaign posters hang from damaged buildings as candidates work through markets filled with displaced families living in temporary shelters. "The citizen today is not looking for slogans, but for real solutions," resident Rabha al-Bhaisi told Al Jazeera, pointing to the dire need for basic services such as clean water, electricity and sewage management. This pragmatic focus reflects the harsh reality facing residents who have endured months of warfare and destruction.
Figures including Mohammed Abu Nasser – head of the Peace and Construction list – and Faten Harb – candidate for Renaissance of Deir el-Balah – have been eager to emphasise that their platforms are strictly service-oriented, focused on transparency, and operate "away from partisanship". The candidates understand that for many war-weary residents, the return to the ballot box is meaningless unless it translates to real-world improvements for Palestinians.
"Key needs include providing water, improving sanitation, addressing cleanliness, and the lack of order in the city," says Jamil Khaldi, regional director of the Central Elections Commission in Gaza. "All these issues require elected bodies that can act more effectively – both internally and externally – to secure funding and provide services to residents."
The timing of these elections carries profound political significance beyond local governance. The elections – called for by the Ramallah-based Palestinian Authority (PA) and allowed by the ruling Hamas, its rival – are seen as a step toward self-governance and a post-Hamas future. Polls are being held simultaneously in towns and villages across the West Bank, and organizers and candidates say the elections are more than progress toward democracy. They are a chance for Palestinians in the coastal enclave to be united with their West Bank compatriots, providing a step toward statehood and against attempts by Israel and others to isolate Gaza.
The broader context remains fraught with uncertainty. After months of mediation led by Qatar, Egypt, and the United States, a ceasefire framework was reached in January 2025, but left phases two and three intentionally ambiguous. The three-phase ceasefire deal places the reconstruction of Gaza as the final phase, following a permanent end to the war. The path forward beyond the first phase of the agreement is fraught with challenges and remains unclear.
This election serves as more than a local administrative exercise—it represents a critical experiment in Palestinian self-governance under extraordinary circumstances. The positive scenario: Success of the experience, then its generalization in Gaza, followed by the resumption of the democratic path. The realistic scenario: Partial success, improved services, but continued division. The negative scenario: Failure of the experience, erosion of trust, and entrenchment of stagnation.
The stakes extend far beyond Deir al-Balah's municipal boundaries. Success here could pave the way for broader democratic renewal across Gaza, while failure might reinforce the status quo of divided Palestinian governance. As residents cast their ballots amid the rubble of war, they're not just choosing local representatives—they're participating in a pivotal moment that could reshape Palestinian political life for years to come.